S.Daribaiuly, А.Kerimkul

Ethnographic foundations of betashar songs ("opening of the bride’s face")

Certainly, scientific classification, analysis, preservation and practical implementation of national customs and traditions is important for the next generation. Current article analyzes ethnographic foundations of betashar songs, one of the brightest types of ceremonial and domestic songs.Folklorists in their research works up to this day put forward the idea of cultural and educational value of Kazakh folk ritual and domestic songs, and genre distinction of betashar traditional songs, the songs dedicated to the bride’s acquaintance with her new relatives. In the Kazakh national worldview the betashar song rite, or bride’s entry under the arches of the new shanyrak (groom’s yurt), is a special festive and unique act. In the betashar song one may trace lifestyle of the Kazakh nation, the experience evolved throughout many centuries. The article provides valuable information about the taboo ("forbidden words") and actions extracted from the analysis of ritual wedding and funeral songs, and finds its traditional parallels.

Key words: betashar, rite, ancestral rites, ceremonies, traditions, way of life, taboo

On ethnographic basis the some sides of folklore of Kazakhs’ is still needs investigation. One of this problems are paralells in traditions of getting married and funeral. When child of Alash (ethnonym; former name of Kazakhs) comes into the world, customs are seen from the first days till he dies and this is also in betashar (custom; the first appearance of bride to relatives of husbund). The thing we are going to tell about is seen in tradition songs, colors and superstition, prohibition cognition of Kazakh people. «Support of genre determination of wedding traditions is customs. This is undoubtedly effluent from nature of folklore syncretism» [1,122]. From the world view of Kazakhs, betashar is when girl becomes bride, she steps threshold into new family and this is obligatory custom which is done only once in her life. This custom also includes clearing mission of bride. It means, that relatives of husband by doing betashar acquaint her to them, also they try to get rid of insidious impure forces. The step of bride is good or bad determines the further days of her get along with family members. The famous proverb «келіннің аяғынан, қойшының таяғынан» (bride’s leg, shepherd’s stick) is said for such reasons. If after few days of bride’s arrival, the family has other glad events, they say «the step of bride was for good». In such situations some weak points of bride stays unnoticeable. However if the family has grief, for instance family members or close relatives die, or get sick, etc. for such situations they say «the step of bride as for bad». This notion is still actual. The reason of using the whip (қамшы) in some places of our land while opening the face of fiancée is that. Because the whip has ancient notion of protection from external bad forces. From the historical data the ancient sorcerers helped to those who had pain at childbirth by lashing the whip around for simplifying. It had the meaning that the whip protected the giving birth woman from the insidiousness. At betashar on a special scarf tip, which is used to open the bride’s face, was the whip. The function has such resemblance. Still today Kazakh families put the whip to honored places.

Peculiar to tradition genesis betashar has «motive of taking a sip, again to tear». Famous scientist S. Kondybay at his research named «Ancestors’ mythology» said: «... it is needed to bind not only to mastery and metals. We do not deny that is connection between them, but nevertheless idea of metallization from beginning mattered that a mother first swallowed then belched, it is as one of initiative variants. But it is an effective chart went out from old thought....» [2,74]. On this basis it is possible to say that tradition of betashar went out from such ideas. Because in betashar there is a mission called revival. Researcher of musical heritage G. Kassymova said: «A wedding ritual has a great number of parallels with funeral and maternity to the ceremonies accordance. It is bound by that one of marrying part (for Kazakhs it is bride) abandons the family and passes to the sort of spouse, as though «dies» the same as a tribesman and «gives» birth as a new representative of sort of spouse» [3,63]. However we decided to aim at ethnographic bases as point of contiguity of these two parallel traditions.

Kazakhs always applied daughters with courtesy and talked «you are a guest at our home». Families who gave out daughter to marry congratulated saying «with arrangement of daughter in a safe place or in her place». Also at the death of man guests came in the house of the dead and read prayer as «he is in safe place». There are historical tracks in lamentation (girl that gathers to leave her home sang a parting song, crying) and mourning (mourning the dead). They are both obligatory traditional songs in such cases. Lamentation is sung by a girl saying goodbye to the parents and relatives. In soviet time was widespread ideology when a young girl was given out for rich senior man, older than her for 24 years and became the second wife against her will. Obviously, it’s true that in the history we had such everyday situations. However lamentation was about not only unfortunate love and grief. The lamentation was traditional obligation besides her situation of marriage. This is the same for mourning. This is still actual for average of people. The mourning doesn’t depend on age, good and bad characters of dead man. It means that both of it doesn’t have any connection with social status of person. We want to tell that not all traditions were executed and didn't share according to the status. Famous scientist in folklore B. Uahatov according to this said: «From one side it’s appeared because of wealth, prosperity of rich people, nevertheless poor population couldn’t afford themselves all these traditions. Traditions such as: atbaylar (to tie a horse), entik akysy (width pay), sut akysy (the gifts received by the bride's mother from matchmakers), jyrtys (matter pieces for distribution gathered on a funeral), bosaga attar (the gift raised from the groom who arrived for the bride), kopwik kystyru (excessive to eulogize), shatyr baigazysy (money given for building new house by relatives congratulating the family), shash sipatar (the groom's gift at the first meeting with the bride (payment for stroking of hair of the bride)), tosek salar (for the first day of the arrival of the bride (gifts from the groom)), korpe kyimyldatar (the son-in-law payment to the wife's relatives for the first marriage night), kueu attandyru (to equip with the groom visit of the house of the bride by him (with gifts), auzhar (the ceremonial song at the bride's wires from the house of the father, the song is begun with the party of the groom, the group from the bride answers), kyz kashar (ritual gift of the groom for the bride's daughter-in-law), kelin keldi (celebration concerning the son's marriage), bosaga attar (the gift raised from the groom who arrived for the bride), otka may kuyu (to pour fat into fire, the ceremony which is made in day of arrival newly married to the house of the husband), betashar (the song accompanying a ceremony of removal of a cover from a face of the bride), enshi bolip beru (to allocate son and bride in a separate house), torkindeu (to agree to visit the house of the parents (for delivery of gifts by it, the bride's parents permit) after a marriage), etc for all these payed certain amount of money» [4,181]. According to the researcher except a betashar, mourning and the song of the girl leaving the house aren't obligatory. Everyone on the material state carries out these traditions. These traditions are observed differently looking at a geographical arrangement of the area and to the household status. But mourning of the dead and the song of the daughter leaving own house forever equates their social statuses. It is necessary to remember that traditions when the girl is given out till betashar and traditions which are observed when the person dies have similarities.

Traditions and superstitions at time while girl is leaving her home and funerals develops in parallel. For example when the girl (future bride) leaves the house adult senior people tell «don't look back». It matters that if she looks back she will return back and she won't have happy family life. The identical superstition becomes during a funeral. After a funeral leaving person shouldn't look back towards the grave.

The breakdown of certain taboo leads to such concept as calls the world other or spirits and approach of death are more exact. During a giving out of the girl aunts or close people use salt turning round the head. Y. Altynsarin also gave data on the same superstitions to the died person. Both these superstitions have one common goal: that wellbeing and happiness didn't leave this house. Speaking more clearly, such traditions became for this purpose: in the first cases that wellbeing didn't leave the house together with the girl, and in the second cases that the died person didn't carry away family’s happiness to other world. The Kazakh always has to preserve wellbeing and the peace in the house and in family. Probably therefore at Kazakhs superstitions like not to give a cauldron to another, not to put top a bottom, while giving the head of a ram to cut off an ear, etc. are still observed.

While the girl left parents' house and reached the house of the groom shouldn't have stopped anywhere. In time of a funeral the same ceremony is observed. While the body of the dead doesn't get to the appointed place, the instillation shouldn't stop. It should be noted that both these functions were carried out in the first half of day. However now the wedding organized with parents of the bride intends to end at 12 p.m. and the groom has to take her away at this time. After lamentation girl’s hair have to be let (earlier hair of the dead were dismissed too), and braids were braided. Because the braided hair is sign of couple . And Kazakh girl in the childhood had a set of braids. Here, it is necessary to tell that it wasn't mentioned in ancient eposes. In the Kazakh liro-eposes hair of girls were described as velvet hair, the silky haired girl, the beauty with a long dense braid.

In outlook of Kazakhs carrying a head scarf meant that the girl is married. Therefore the unmarried girl didn't carry a white scarf on the head. When the girl first time is shown to relatives of the husband passes a ceremony a betashar and before the girl sits at a screen. This ceremony still remain in many regions of the Kazakh territory. Such parallels can be seen in ceremonies of dead. Till a corpse instillation, the body remains behind a white screen and is put in the right side to the room. Also as well as in leaving out of the girl her home to the house of the groom. Such important traditionsare kept still by Kazakhs abroad. Though white color? which bears in itself purity, till nowadays has communication with that other world. In the dictionary of symbols white color bears value of fear, conquest [5,53]. For example during the war a white flag meant defeat or the conciliator. In China, in ancient Rome, Europe white color not only has concept of a grief but also connection with that world where spirits wait for soul of the dead. Now white color probably doesn't bear such semantics but in our example color of clothes of the girl and woman differed and for the bride to carry a white scarf had such concept.

The white scarf is the main attribute during a betashar. Covering the bride's face and not showing to anybody is a accepted one. The main function of a betashar is to open a white scarf. When the girl is going to marry and leaves the house as well as the died person gets to other new world has concordance. This function is parallel with custom during a funeral when the face of the dead is covered with a white scarf also. Above told parallels have ancient roots.

Till today in research works many times was mentioned in the Kazakh eposes and verses on household life, including on difference of a betashar, and its value to society. Indeed the betashar bears with itself huge manual and importance. Unfortunately today a betashar became only obligatory custom no more. Especially afflicts that it became commercial business. People who share this pleasure and who does a betashar have to reflect.

References

1. Islamghanuly K. Kazakh family folklore. – Almaty: Arys, 2007. – 332 w.

2. Kondybai S. Ancient Kazakh mifolgiya. The third book. – Almaty: Daik press, 2004. – 486 w.

3. Kasimova G. Ritual musical culture of Kazakhs. – Almaty: LEM, 2008. – 151 w.

4. Uahatov B. Kazakh folk songs. – Almaty: Gylim,1974. – 285 w.

5. Turskova T. The new reference symbols and signs. Moscow: Classic, 2003. – 798 w.