Психология и социология/12. Социальная психология

PhD in Psychology  Bondarenko L. A.

PhD in Psychology Lamash I. V.

Kharkiv national university of internal affairs, Ukraine

Psychological portrait of stalkers

Stalking represents a relatively new legal concept. It has been constructed into a mythical crime of our age and yet an objective view of the phenomenon has only recently begun to come to light.

While stalking definitions vary among researchers and legislation, stalking is generally defined as unwanted, harassing, and threatening behavior that occurs repeatedly. J.R. Meloy noticed that stalking is an ongoing course of conduct in which a person behaviorally intrudes upon another’s life in a manner perceived to be threatening (J.R. Meloy, 1996). Some stalking definitions require victims to experience fear (P. Tjaden, N. Thoennes, C.J. Allison, 2000) whereas others do not (C.E. Jordan, P. Wilcox, A.J. Pritchard, 2007). Unlike most crimes, stalking is generally comprised of otherwise legal behaviors. Collectively, these behaviors are considered illegal only when a reasonable person would consider the behavior to be threatening, harassing, and frightening. Among a many types of behaviors, some common forms of stalking include showing up at places uninvited where the person being stalked may be, leaving items and/or gifts for that person, and repeatedly communicating using telephones and/or the Internet in a manner undesired by the person receiving the communication (B.H. Spitzberg, W.R. Cupach, 2007).

Given that stalking behaviors often produce unpleasant and potentially dangerous consequences for victims, it is important to examine why individuals become stalking perpetrators (A. M. Nicastro, A. V.Cousins, B. H. Spitzberg, 2000).

With the exception of a recent representative survey of 16.000 men and women (P. Tjaden and N. Thoennes, 1998), most existing information on stalkers has been derived from relatively small samples of clinical case stusies (J.R. Meloy, 1998). There have been two large studies of court population of stalkers (R. Kong, 1996). In addition, there have been several small studies conducted on samples of stalkers in court populations (A. W. Burgess, 1997; R. B. Harmon, 1995; K. K. Kienlen, 1997, D. M. Shwartz-Watts, 1997) and institutional settings (T.B. Feldmann, 1997; D. A. Sandberg, 1998).

Finally, a number of nonrepresentative studies have been conducted on stalking or harassment victims in the general population( D.M. Hall, 1998; M. Pathe, P.E. Mullen, 1997), professional population( P.E. Dietz et al, 1991, J. S. C. Romans, J. R Hays, T.K. White, 1996) and college population (F. L. Coleman, 1997; W.R. Cupach, B.H. Spitz, 1997; W.J. Fremow, 1996; K. McCreedy, B. Dennis, 1996; E. Mustaine, R. Tewsbury, 1999). Such diverse population make generalizations difficult, although some patterns have begun to emerge.

P. Tjadeen and N. Thoennes (1998) noticed that approximately 8 percent of females and 2 percent of males in United States have been staled, for an average of almost to years each.

Demographic analysis shows that the vast majority ( more than 70 percent) of stalkers are male, and the vast majority( more than 80 percent) of victim are female. When stalking is expanded to refer to relational harassment in the pursuit of intimacy there are few if any substantive gender differences.There appear to be several precipitating or predisposing factors of staking. Stalkers appear disproportionately likely to be unemployed or to have experience recent significant stressors. Drug or alcohol abuse have been noted as risk factors, as have prior criminal records. In more clinical and forensic population psychological disorders have been commonly noted. Stalkers may tend to be socially incompetent or poorly adapted, which supported by the findings that most are not in an extant intimate relationship when staking. Aside from the psychological diagnosis, stalking has been attributed to diverse motives, which included “would not accept end of relationship”, retaliation, jealousy, anger/hostility, projection of blame, obsession, dependency, keeping the victim, and need for power and control (K.A. Fox, M. R. Nobles, R. L. Akers, 2011).

Findings of J.R. Meloy, S. Gothard (1995), M. Zona et al (1993) illustrate that the motives of more psychologically disturbed, delusional or psychotic stalkers are even more difficult to interpret according to normative relational motive.

Collectively, these findings portraited several factors that could be anticipated in many ordinary relationship. They also suggested that pursuers are often deviant or abnormal. The majority of stalking research has concentrated on perpetrator characteristics and has utilized forensic samples of adjudicated stalkers.

Researchers have reported a variety of descriptors, such as demographic information, personality features, and clinical variables that appear to be common among court referred stalkers. When compared to a sample of offenders with mental disorders, stalkers presented with different demographic profiles. They tended to be male (between the ages of 35–40), never married or currently divorced, unemployed or underemployed, and better educated (J.R. Meloy, 1996). The majority of the stalking sample had a prior criminal background and a relatively unstable work history (J.R. Meloy, S. Gothard, 1995).

A study investigating MMPI-2 profiles of three classes of stalkers (misdemeanor, felony and recidivist) reported that the overall population of stalkers was significantly different than a “typical” forensic population (A.C. Spencer, 1998). Both felony and recidivist stalkers had MMPI-2 profiles suggesting severe pathology, e.g., clinically significant elevations on Scale 4 (Psychopathic Deviate), Scale 6 (Paranoia), and Scale 8 (Schizophrenia). Notably, the current literature has exclusively examined samples of adjudicated stalkers, despite the available evidence that the vast majority of stalking cases are perpetrated by previous romantic partners (P. Tjaden, N. Thoennes, 2000) and never reported to the local police (D. Westrup et al, 1999).

Male stalkers demonstrated significantly less developed problem-solving skills and cognitive flexibility than male controls. In-adequate problem-solving skills, or the inability to generate alter-native solutions greatly reduces the probability of successful conflict resolution. Poor problem-solving skills have been documented to be associated with an increased risk of aggression in dating relationships (D. Riggs et al, 1990), children’s interpersonal behavior (E.Aronson, 1992), and parenting (S. Robyn, W.J. Fremouw, 1996). Lacking the necessary skills to resolve conflict and solve problems, male stalkers are at high risk to behave aggressively toward their victims. However, problem-solving deficits are amenable to treatment. A skills acquisition training approach could potentially ameliorate cognitive rigidity, resulting in more developed conflict resolution strategies. Surprisingly, female stalkers demonstrated better problem-solving skills than female controls. This discrepancy between male and female stalkers suggests that other variables are impacting stalking behavior. While men may stalk as a result of a skills deficit, females’ stalking behavior is potentially controlled by other variables, such as learning history. Previous research (W.J.  Fremouw, D. Westrup, 1997) found that the strategy most employed by male victims of stalking was reconciliation with their female stalkers. Additional research is warranted to address the discrepant function of stalking behavior for men and women.

Stalkers did not demonstrate less empathy and affective sensitivity than the control group. This suggests that stalkers may not necessarily lack the awareness of other individual’s thoughts and feelings as expected. Previous research has documented the inverse relation between empathic responding and aggressive behavior (C. Letourneau, 1981); however, stalkers, in this sample, were equally aware and sensitive as the control group. Female participants were notably more empathetic than male participants, providing additional evidence that empathy and sensitivity are often gender-based traits.

It has been postulated that a fundamental deficit observed in stalkers is an insecure, inadequate attachment style (J.R. Meloy, 1996). Stalkers were significantly more avoidant and insecurely attached, while the control group was significantly more securely attached. An insecure attachment bond results in a variety of complications, such as an inherent lack of trust, approach and avoidant behaviors, ambivalence regarding commitment, and an overall dysfunctional approach to interpersonal relationships. Both male and female stalkers reported greater difficulty with dependency, trust, abandonment, and security issues. Attachment is viewed as an enduring bond, commencing in infancy, but subsequently expanding to adult relationships.

Finally, stalking, like any complex form of human behavior, can be the product of a number of different states of mind. Stalking, which is obviously hurtful, is part of a spectrum of activities that merge into normal behaviors, often around such aspirations as initiating or reestablishing a relationship. To further complicate definitional issues, central to the construction of stalking — both as a concept and as an offense—are the victim’s perceptions of being harassed and rendered fearful. Thus, it is not just the intentions and behavior of the perpetrator that create a stalking event but how the actions are experienced and articulated by the victim. These complexities have made problematic the generation of a useful classification.