Osimbayeva Indira Sultanobna

 

Kazakh National Pedagogical Abay University

 

Political consciousness of women like as theoretical and

methodological problem

 

        

Political consciousness is subjective measurement of politics. It is realizes in the two levels of political reflections: ideological and psychological. In the first level politics reflect own reflections like as abstraction ideas and definitive theoretical models (ideological doctrines). In the second level politics reflect in the forms of psychological settings, values and feelings.

Political consciousness defines as whole of intentional phenomenon which express perception of politics as individual subject of political process.

In spite of political consciousness represents as result of not only individual experiment (with influences of social environment, political relationship, political opportunities, and objective factors else like that), with aids of this concepts we can define characteristics to basic individual subjected political processes; internal processes which towards from consciousness of individuals. The concept ‘political consciousness’ hardly can conformed to characteristics of complicated subjects of political processes (as example: we can not say that to these or those concrete political systems are typical these or those political consciousnesses, also at that time like useful the concept of political culture is completely acceptably). In another words, we can say that the concept of ‘political consciousness’ as compared with ‘political culture’ reflects more subjective phenomena.

We have to note that political consciousness together with values and settings also includes psychological mechanism of performance and search of own position. In spite of that enough evidently influence of environment we have to acknowledge that this process has own individual character. Therefore using the term ‘political consciousness’ to group factors or other kinds of complex subjects of political processes causes to doubt. So, using this term like metaphor to define statistical totality of political settings and values in this or that society with widespread using is can be acceptable when available necessary explanations and reservations.

Political consciousness closely communicates with political behaviors; it can be preparatory stage for political behaviors, it can fill political behaviors with meanings; also can create possibility of political interactions between subjects of political processes. We can describe the political consciousness like ‘internal’ political behaviors which influences to ‘external’ behavior of human, in other words influence to activity and working of human.

Political consciousness of women and gender problem like article of research inseparable concerned with development of feministic political ideas in the XX century.

Beginning at second half of 1960 years development of women motion was accompanied by forming feministic philosophy and ideology, becoming its own theoretical foundations. Beginning with critical theory ‘natural system of seniority’ and submission status of women feminists rejected central place to genders in the analysis of structural power of political, social and cultural institutes, and in the models of ideological effects. Repeated splash of women’s motion initialized to academically discussions about many problems of history and modern position of society, after that researching this problems in the feministic discussions obtained absolutely different coloring. Up to that time when problems/questions of feminists became arguments of overall discussion there was no works about analysis of differentiation of society as principle about genders, in the workings of political sciences, sociology mentioned about women. If political subject as the traditional playing of men in the public always was objects for intensive research, but do not studied the subject about a political participation of women (was in minimal degree like forced rearing to different side women and politics) and political behavior of women (electors copied men’s option). Practically there was no researching role of women in the spheres when they were ‘visible’ – in the family life, private life, in the reproduction of household life. Serious science gives preference to research status sphere with advantage predominance of men. In the till-feministic period too tightly interpretation of political conceptions did not give a place to women. There must take place intellectual bursting to destruction traditional eruditions and habitual approach of leaning society, to the extent that population in the own more predominant kept conservative and inert thoughts. Many ‘private’ subjects about women have gained not only status, also became absolutely different phonations in the feministic discussions.

Development of researches relating to women in the political knowledge characterized with paradigms: complete invisibility, limited visibility and visibility. Elimination women for centuries from publicly life and authority sphere had consequence practically overall neglecting of them in the political researches. In spite of that women took part in the revolution transformations of modern world with their special and unique methods like as France revolutions at the end of XVIII centuries. That fact did not find proper understanding by political scientists.

Many of theorists beginning with thinkers of antiquity declared that biological specials and cultural models concerned with women not only prevented from authority structures to them, but also prevented from development of quality which about political and civil activities.

In the many works in one way or another relating to this subject have been similarly approaches. This approach expression like that women were been in ‘representation’ situation than described them or they have told about them by themselves. By the rule at that case role and place of women defined via their social positions and social responsibility, in other words via the role functions. After that object of antique thoughts take side in specific development of country, specialty of local culture, religion, tradition and intentional development of these or those nations. At the same time, many thinkers issued from the basic conception that position of women resulting from their biological predisposition, in other words their quality as weaker than men, not competitive able form in compared with men. Therefore according to this conception we can define these two genders did not interplayed with each other in reality, but like men constructed their treatment and their representation opposite gender.

Accordingly women and ‘feminine’ were recondite in the political theory and in the history of political thoughts which were written by the position of androcentrizm. Conception which structured political discourse in the classical period based on recognition of clear dichotomy of public and private field. Beginning with ancient Greeks conceptual cultivation of them had affected to classical understanding private sphere of household, more often well-known as sphere of reproduction and economy like dividable from the beginning, there we want to point cities – state policy organizing manufactures. Moreover only public sphere characterized as freedom arena and civil rights. As long as hierarchical treatment considered as natural regulations in the private sphere, accordingly exclusion of women from public sphere depended on their ‘natural’ incapability overstep outside of limits their biological and economical submission in the household sphere. Since women are associated with private submission sphere, they were excluded from the practice of freedom which defined political life. Public sphere not only existed without women, but also were incite them against.

Increasing feministic motion and necessity incorporate democratically ideals in the scientific theory took attention to importance resolving problems about representation of women’s interests. Nevertheless not looking at increasing range of feministic researches in geometrical progression since 1970 in the political science central discourse political theory long time was remained untouched. This situation been continued designing like that as though women and their interests like as groups conceptual incompatible with political discourse. More exactly theorists defined political territory in the terms of ‘absence’ of gender. In the words of Jean Elshtain women were staid openly speechless, with being exclusion from the dictionary of politics. In that way the own definition of politics was written by prerequisites that excluded women’s participation from public life: women’s interests were admitted importance only in the plans of progression of certain special feminine ‘righteousness’ /1/.

Along with conceptualization category of genders in the spheres of interests of social sciences/studies was included complex consecrate political participation of women. Feministic revision of political theory began with reformulations, prefaces new researching terms and their components. For example: was done call to conventional definitions of politics, was answered new question in what way gender designed female political experiment and like as race, ethnic, class interests in combination with gender attributes influenced to political motions and political consciousness was researched as inter-netting social treatments of women at the family, at work, communes influence to output form of opposition and agreement, have done attempts to set motion of social organizations on the context of more widespread political and economical processes analyzed like interrelation between feminine political practice and political theory.

For feminism central deconstruction was approach to find the definition of political territory and politics. As distinctly separated between each other ‘public’ and second in comparison with public ‘private’ spheres became basic territories in the life of men and women in the patriarchal society, one of the most important problems of feministic theory was interrelationship between them, in connection with this matter put in doubt traditional definition of politics. In the classical political science has tendency which defines it like as purposeful activities within the limits of special public sphere in which make decisions to solving the problems.

In the 1970 years with displaying discussions radical feminists offered to enlarge ‘political territory’ with including to it private area of life and to extend accent in the definition of politics to interrelationship which based on the authority ‘with the aid of term in which one group of people controls with other group’ /2/.

In application to problems of interrelationship between genders in the society Kate Millet wrote the thesis about that these problems are political in the meaning of authority of men over women based on the social constructed differences and opposition of genders. One of the demonstrations of these is monopolization of men on the basic dominant positions in the political authority structures. Division of human existence to spheres of society and private life, at the first case consolidate men’s dominant in the society, at the other case because of asymmetrical relation of authority and submission confirmed between genders. At third, it is necessary to hide authority’s interdependency between men and women.

So, consciousness politics radical feminists have been treated widespread like all operations in the sphere of modern social and cultural life. Therefore any female action directed to opposite discourse of patriarchal culture apprehended as political act, since always set in doubt basic and principles of functional existent institutes and practices, called up to over understanding of them and symbolized act overcoming authority dependency and stereotypes of traditional culture. From these we can say that basic political formulas of radical feminists and essentially basic slogan second wave of feminism – ‘overall privates are political’. Put up to own central slogan confirming about direct communication between politics and daily life, between individual needs, cares and social changes feminists cardinally enlarged political summons by itself. Before concerned problems exclusively as ‘private’ feminine – abortion, reproductive rights, violence about women, sexual prosecution, care about children, household works became emulate in between one by second to gain priority place in the national political discourse of modern democracy. Recognition of personal became political canceled artificial division from living and political area to public and private area. Also this situation called up to imposition ideological limit to politics which throw together to tight world of choices, candidates and their lobbyists.

In the 1980 years, central of the feministic definition of politics got conception ‘finding-knowing power’. Feminists confirmed that point the men saw the authority like authority over somebody, something as possibility to influence or dominate, at the same time women saw the authority like finding-knowing power to equality of rights and self-dependency. The same definition of ‘finding-knowing power’ used by women to define authority which gives equality of rights, constrict monopoly, at any demonstration of them as distinct from men’s understanding ‘finding-knowing power’ over something or somebody. Therefore women conducted difference between terms ‘finding-knowing power’ which included strategy of persuasion and other forms of nor forced influence, and with term ‘authority’. Also feministic theory insists upon that women define authority and used authority differently than men.

At that point problems at last tenth anniversary made published many of books and articles which gave feministic interpretation of politics ‘finding-knowing power’. Among them we can especially mark works of Judith Battler and Joan Scott, Diana Cull, Iva Doichman, Anne Ionasdottir, Marilee Carl, Jennifer Ring, Mary Shenli and Carol Pateman, Karss Sanstein and other authors. Consciousness ‘finding-knowing power’ in the meaning of given by feminists means process finding oppressed once personality possibility disposal by own destiny, enlarged participation in the works of society and presence in the satisfaction structures. Cause of these were not traditional consciousness authority as ‘authority over somebody’ or authority like dominating, but consciousness authority as ‘power to’ or like ‘competence’. Authority in the hands of women had seen more cooperative and less confrontational than in the hands of men. This belief to different point of view to politics peculiar to last may be one of the more useful arguments to assertion requirements increasing amount of women in the elite political positions.

At that time were revealed narrow-mindedness and feministic theory and feministic practice spring up from personal experiments of united in the own organizations white women of middle class which can not accumulate and represent experiment of all women. At this point of view turned out that feministic motions also defined maintenance of politics not wide enough and in the 1980 years it was criticized by black feminists to neglecting absolutely specific, not compare able with nothing experiments of offspring black-skinned slaves which conscious themselves ‘different’ not only in the relationship with men (more to white than to black), but also at the more considerable degree in the relationship with women of middle class. In the 1960-1970 years in feministic sphere appeared strange responsibility as women and from women. But, how marked Judith Battler ‘any attempt to give universal or specific maintenance to category of women, where assumed that this guarantor of solidarity expected before absolutely produced functionality, and that kind of ‘identify’ like sending point never did not kept like basics of feministic political motion’ /3/. Exactly so in the beginnings of 1980 years feministic ‘we’ undergoing to attacks of colored women.

There must de done only one reservation – conduct of free academic debates, opened to any theme, free admission to electronic and printer of information resources, in other words presence of basic to foundation civil society were necessary conditions to actually renewals and development usually inconsistently which entered to deadlock theorists searching of feministic theory. Therefore according to feminism creature, preservation and development of civil society became like necessary security. In that point of view feminism closed down with all other political actions which expressed to develop civil society.

In this connection of this meaning which feministic theory attached in general development of democratic processes, intercommunication between feminism and democratic conceptions civil became to one of most too important subjects of academic debates in the 1980-1990years. Liberal feminists expected to give more spectrums political and civil rights to women did not to throw down a challenge dominant liberal models citizenship and politics, just as like political spheres and political theory. However exactly reunderstanding and reconstruction last created basics to attempt construction such models citizenship and civil activities which can in additionally feministic politics private which based on specific virtue for family like love, intimacy and preoccupation of destiny ‘specifically different’ /4/.

In particular, on the position of obscene Jean Elshtain and Sara Raddik after Carol Gilligan set up opposite feministic ‘ethics of  care’ to men’s and liberal ‘ethics of  justice’ confirmed that exactly in the women’s experiment about maternity is necessary to search a new model of citizenship activities /5/. Nevertheless maternalistic position like this could find adversary among own feminists which considered citizenship like especially patriarchal category. In particular, Carol Pateman in the own work which became feministic classic as named ‘The sexual contract’ /6/ written more sharply positions like who is a ‘citizen’?, what will this citizen do in the arena?, where will he work, if citizen is woman - will she reconstructed as type of men? Although in the liberal democracy women are citizens now, this citizenship was gained in the sphere structure of patriarchal authority in which women’s features and quality are not valuable until now /7/.

Pateman proved that discussions in the sphere theory of social contract demonstrated only a part of history: on the basis of modern patriarchal and political dominant of men over women has been ‘the sexual contract’ which never wasn’t been considered before. Solution is creation of differentiated models of citizenship throw characteristics of sex in which specific demands of men and women will be appreciated equally? Opinions disagreed with each other. But creation of absolutely different conception which means to be citizen and ‘to act like member of democratic political community’ /8/ also directed to own difficulty.

For analysis interrelationship of women with political life in the 1970 years by American feministic authors was offered two conceptions which inter opposite to each other – ‘conception of marginality’ and ‘conception of integration’. Let’s begin from second. Virginia Sapiro in own book as named ‘The political integration of women’ reminded about integration of women in the political life formed from two elements – from role where women played that role in the political life, and also reciprocal role where politics played that role with destine of women. (But then it’s right as regards any other groups). While government involving to regulation of birth rate, sexuality, division of works and ownership in the family, conditions which created and destroyed the family, without authority of women in the political life women could not posses full agreement in the own private life. Sapiro wrote that ‘if feministic life and political life was integrated there won’t be features for participation of women in the politics and political involving in those problems which now named as ‘women’s problems’ /9/. Actually what will be ‘women’s problems’ if private life of family and political social life will been subsisted as not separately from each other or if men and women will been divided all cares of family and social life in equally’ /10/. Conception of integration offered important vindicate argument for participation of women in the politics. But marginal position of women in the society hindered their entering to politics in the widespread area. At present time women have political rights, but still did not take place their integration in the political life: it begins with equally divided positions into political structure. Traditionally women convinced that their participation in the politics in the better point limited with voting in the elections. It’s not accident that after giving the rights of voting to women first American female political organization was league women-electors of USA. Admitted truth that women can play some roles in the citizenship spheres, but only this subject also limited through family and domestic life. Their rights to work limited with positions which oriented to service. In other case, women tried to overpass role which given them often obtained marginal status. This situation inevitably developed from conflicts which appeared if women wanted to come out from the limited traditional role and rush to take definite place in the social sphere. In that case in the opposite come into effect role requirements which presented to both of groups: to women (as ‘weak’ or ‘second’ gender) and politics (as professionals which at first presented as association of men, and at second whose gender fluencies was leveling). Demanded from women to refuse from some norm of traditional women roles. At that time men’s political group which consists of from only men don’t take upon women completely and tried to set them in the position of submission. Conflicted demands of different role groups resulted as women-politic did not identified completely in any impossible roles. Because of it there were rejections from political career.

Political consciousness of Kazakh ethnics has unique structure by itself. In this situation has own expression of traditional worship of authority and unity, without it life in the steppe will be difficult and not predictable, unity of nomadic life and philosophy of nomads which formed during many thousand years under influence of geographic environment of social life. Considering matter political consciousness of Kazakh ethnics in the context of our research – study levels and criteria of political consciousness of Kazakh women.

In the traditional Kazakh society development of political consciousness of Kazakh women like as gender problems did not stayed as problem, not considered as independent fact of social and political life. Gender problems probably have been natural component of spiritual life of individuals and society, considered as rule from position of history-cultural heritage.

In own dialectical development gender problems and not at all demonstrate it’s multidimensional sides, multi aspect which expressed in many multiform processes and form of reflection of political acts, since role of Kazakh women in the spheres of social consciousness has been reflection of that relations which formed into society between different social groups on the occasion of gaining, keeping and using authority, in other words political treatment. At that point we can mark that natural genesis of political consciousness have been defined not only by social changes which occurred in the Kazakh society, but development of like that forms of social consciousness as science, moral, religion, sense of justice.

Subjective mode reflected political acts, formed structure of political consciousness with helping of social groups, private and society, as a whole. Consciousness of objective reality comes possible with helping of intellect, feelings, imagination and fantasy. Consequently, structure of political consciousness as a whole defined with three consistent: rational, sensible and irrational.

To sensible regarded manners, perceptions, grades, moods, wishes etc. to rational regarded generalized ideas, conceptions, presentations, norms, opinions etc. to irrational regarded not motivated consciousness of subjective knowledge, as well as utopia, fantastic manners. Rational, sensible and irrational conceptions interrelated between each other. Rational manner of political reality can’t appear without feeling’s perceptions which stimulated thought processes. Irrational perceptions for example, political myths, also connected with feelings and rational components.

Structure of political consciousness of Kazakh ethnics can be considered in line distinctive criteria. For example, basic can be setting as ‘matrix’ showing that constructed on simultaneous counting different indications of maintenance, organizations and functionalities. In that point of view structure of political consciousness Kazakh women in our opinion included types shown in the following:                                                                                

Table 1

 

1.

Liberal

2.

Traditional national

3.

Nonconservative

4.

Radical liberal

5.

Radical traditional national

6.

Radical romantic

 

Political consciousness Kazakh women classified according to quality substantial parameters. At different carrier of this can be more or less developed, dominated in the structure of social and individual consciousness or can be secondary factor of perceptions.

Intensive politicization of social consciousness communicated with periods of crisis revolution situations, with changing of political routines, personal authority, reconstruction of political system, basic conceptions of political behaviors. Politicization of social consciousness as a rule begins with lower and upper groups of social structure.

At the smaller degree of politicization liable middle groups of society. Political consciousness of Kazakh women at a whole developed relatively independently from all above-listed factors, since relatively independence of political consciousness in respect of consciousness conditioned that creation like as method of realization real existence in the own main characteristics, laws of demonstration and functioning. In all forms and demonstrations of consciousness have unique basic – social natural existence of people, their intellects, wills and feelings. Relatively independent character of political consciousness as against for example from moral or economic consciousness demonstrated in the specific political area, political relationship, political culture, tradition and methods of political acts, in the specific conceptual categorical instrument which drawn with political philosophy, political science, political sociology and other sciences which study political reality and political consciousness.

In the part of definition of levels of political consciousness as systematic education we must marked following. Among the four basic levels of political consciousness such as government, theoretical, empirical and ordinary for Kazakh women the most typical is empirical level. The fact is that empirical level which based on immediately practice of participation or nonparticipation in the political processes of different social community, in our case women characterized as a whole for traditional Kazakh society. On this point empirical level demonstrated at Kazakh women in the participation of stand forms in the social political processes where she harmoniously completed role of men. Moreover can established that in any level social stratification of traditional Kazakh society women exerted more influences to politics-men, since ‘in the opinion of ethnographers role of women in the steppe expanses was predetermined and aloud differed from one that take away in most Islamic countries. There women never wear paranja, since she was not only emancipated and independent, but also because of preventing of them for realization of destined role – to take up nomad’s tent at new place, to put shanirak, to kindle a fire, to prepare food and to bring up children’ /11/.            

According to this theme N.Nurtazina wrote: ‘Spiritual self-expression, active participation in the social life and influence to national consciousness of women can not expressed fully not only because of discrepancy her nature to spirit of epoch, but then because of nomad society with power of own originality did not possibility to release women from beyond one’s strength burden of material execution and family domestic problems. At that like submission of women was legalized with steppe traditions and fast entered to national mental’ /12/. As against women belonging to east society as named ‘west submission’ too many basic parts of Kazakh women strong domestic work, closure at the family and territorial disconnection of nomad nation did not give them possible situation for association and understanding own position. Therefore we could not say anything about female emancipator motions or political participations of Kazakh women until Soviet Union /13/.

For one’s part weak participation of women of traditional Kazakh society in the political life did impossible development of other for levels of political consciousness, since absence of empirical experiment of a priori laid negative conditions for perception, acceptance and adaptation of subjective political processes of government, theoretic and ordinary levels of political consciousness. Therein empirical experiment acted as first reason in the institution of above-listed levels of political consciousness.

Obstacles powerful as before which hamper to the process political consciousness of women and as a whole, problems of activation of role and place of women in the sphere of political acts. This is also men’s cooperative culture which based on private interrelationship; this is also prejudice in the relationship with women-politics. Aversion of women often not motivated by nothing except characteristics of gender, began from old hierarchical division of social role according to which given submission role for women.

Definite role in the development of political consciousness of women also played the factors like different criteria of grade as regards men and women, absence women solidarity, domestic responsibilities which limited time and possibility of women to develop own experiences that necessary for political acts, absence of corresponding psychological supporting by own family. Widely women than men have to live according to the law needs and offered circumstances, but not according to basis of free choice, this condition also influenced to political activities of them.

However in the women’s environment increasing the realization that political consciousness – it’s general and responsible work, that’s why give this work only to men not right, form of women participation in the political sphere and other spheres of social life supported limiting the authority of politics only from powerful position. At the same time establishment of aims and actions in interests of increasing political consistent in the women life can promote acceleration of progress at that situation. Increasing amount of women in the political sphere as proved world experiment will be drawn with positive changes in the structure, habit, morality climates of society, demanding different level and more humane style of relations which highly actual for Kazakhstan.

 

  

REFERENCES:

 

1.     Elshtain Jean. Public Man, Private Woman. – Printecon: Printecon University Press, 1989; Ruddick Sara. Material Thinking. – London: Verso, 1989.

2.     Kate Millett. Sexual Politics. – London: Abaus, 1972.P.23.

3.     Battler Judit. Accidentally Existing Foundations: Feminism and Question about ‘post-modernism’ // Gender Research. 1999, ¹3. P. 101.

4.     Muff. Sh. Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics // Gender Research, 1999, ¹3. P. 113.

5.     Ruddick Sara. Maternal Thinking. – London: Verso, 1989.

6.     Pateman Carole. The Sexual Contract. – Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988.

7.     Pateman Carole. The Sexual Contract. – Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988., p.114.

8.     Muff. Sh. Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics // Gender research, 1999, ¹3. P. 117.

9.     Sapiro Virginia. The political Integration of Women. – Urbana, etc.: University of Illinois Press. 1984. P.7.

10. Sapiro Virginia. The political Integration of Women. – Urbana, etc.: University of Illinois Press. 1984. P.7.

11. M.Auezov. Women – pure stream. / New generation. March 5, 1999. - ¹39 (41).

12. Nurtazina N.D. Women in the Traditional Kazakh Society // Teaching methodical set for course ‘Introduction to Theory of Genders’. IV edition. Almaty: ‘Akyl kibaty’. – 1999. – P.7.

13. At the same place.