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Ðåãèîíàëüíûé ñîöèàëüíî-èííîâàöèîííûé óíèâåðñèòåò
To the question of on-line cues classification
Over the past twenty years or so, the
internet has become increasingly entrenched in the lives of millions of people
across the globe. As with any new advance in technology, the spread of the
internet has been closely followed by academic interest in how these new
developments fit into and change our lives. Of particular note are studies into
the linguistic facets of the internet, experiments and papers that investigate
how communication is achieved in an environment that is largely text-based and
lacking in most visual and auditory cues. Studies of many different kinds of
online communities, from online text-based games to chatrooms, have
proliferated, and there is even a journal dedicated to the field, the Journal
of Computer-Mediated Communication.
In this
paper we are going to give classification of so-called online cues,
namely those marking systems that are used to denote action, facial expression,
and nonverbal sounds when a person is conversing online. These particular forms
could be closely related to nonverbal behavior These online cues are
particularly interesting to study because they are prevalent in online social
interaction, they can be interesting linguistically, and because of this
potential to be compared with nonverbal behavior in face-to-face interaction.
As mentioned above, online action cues
are particularly interesting for three main reasons: they are prevalent online,
they can be linguistically interesting, and they can be compared to
face-to-face nonverbal behavior. To address these points in turn, online action
cues can be found regularly in e-mail messages, on message boards, in
chatrooms, and in instant message conversations, and in some cases have spread
to offline contexts, such as advertisements. Linguistically, some of the
systems used to mark these cues can be interesting, such as when a verb is used
in the third person singular (or a noun is used in plural; which form is
underlying has not been examined) to mark a verbal cue (i.e. ‘::snickers::’
used to denote snickering), and these forms all seem to have some possible
correlation to a face-to-face nonverbal behavior of some kind, but only a few,
namely the use of differing typefaces, have a basis in printed text (such as
the use of italics, capital letters, or boldfaced type for emphasis, all of
which can be found in use in popular fiction and other print media).
The forms that are the focus of this paper are those that could be
considered to have some relationship to face-to-face nonverbal behavior. I have
divided these forms up according to the way in which they are realized in CMC
contexts, giving the following 4 groups :
•
Traditional text devices
As mentioned earlier, these include the
use of all capitals, boldface, italics, underlining, and other font changes to
convey emphasis, stress, or shouting. In this category we also include
ellipses, used to convey a pause or trailing off of speech, hyphens, and other
forms of punctuation, including exclamation points.
•
Onomatopoeic words
Like the above group, these forms may
be rooted in other forms of literature, but still convey vocal cues in text
online. Forms include ‘meh’, ‘eh’, and ‘heh’ as well as ‘hee hee’, ‘pbbbt’,
‘shhhh’, ‘muahahahaha’, and ‘grrrr’.
•
Internet Abbreviations (or Online
Abbreviations)
These forms include ‘LOL’ (laughing out
loud), ‘ROFL’ (rolling on floor laughing), and ‘LMAO’ (laughing my ass off).
Many of these abbreviations (such as ‘IMHO’, or “in my humble opinion”) are
less clearly connected with nonverbal communication, and so are not of interest
here; only those abbreviations that describe an action are considered for now.
•
Emoticons
Also called smilies, these are some of
the more extensively studied online forms. How, exactly, they are used and what
messages they convey is still being debated, but it is likely that there is
some correlation to facial expression, even if there is not a direct link
between how facial expressions are used in face-to-face interaction and how
text versions of those facial expressions are used online. Some of the most
well-known emoticons are ‘:)’ , ‘:(‘ , and ‘:P’, however there are many other
specialized emoticons and other types of systems that are used in smaller
communities. For example, some emoticon systems focus on the eyes rather than
the whole face, resulting in emoticons such as ‘o.0’ (one raised eyebrow),
‘-.-’ (narrowed eyes, or a glare), and ‘b.b d.d’ (shifting gaze).
•
Specially-marked cues
This last group is the most varied and
the most versatile of the types of forms being considered here. These forms are
used online to mark action of some kind, though the type of action could be
anything, from snickering to grinning to hitting one’s shin on a coffee table.
Systems for marking these forms can vary from online community to online
community, but some of the most prevalent are:
a) Asterisks:
e.g. ‘*grins*’, ‘*snickers*’, and ‘*hugs TV*’
b) Double
Colons: e.g. ‘::shrugs::’, ‘::growls::’, and ‘::fries X with a quick gout of
flame::’
c) Bare:
e.g. ‘grin’, ‘snort’, and ‘poke’
Another system that can be found is the
/me, in which the action to be conveyed is preceded by /me (e.g. ‘/me grins’ or
‘/me skips merrily around the room’). This does not currently seem to be common
online, but likely hearkens back to online gaming, where /me is the way to
signal to the program that your character is to perform some action. In this
context, /me grins would show up on the screen as ‘X grins’, where X is the screenname
of the speaker. The tendency for other systems to appear in third singular form
might be related to this form, though that is currently speculation.
It is not yet clear if there is any
difference in meaning between the different types of specially marked cues. In
a small, informal study which was conducted in fall of 2005, a group of IM
users were asked for their opinions of what these different forms meant (for
example, what ‘grin’, ‘grins’, ‘/me grins’, ‘::grins::’, ‘::grin::’, ‘*grins*’,
and ‘*grin*’ meant), and found that though some users had a very clear idea of
how each form differed in meaning from every other form, some users saw every
variation as equivalent. In addition, none of the users who had a clear grasp
of different meanings among the forms agreed with each other. The only meaning
that was generally agreed upon was that all of these forms denote action (e.g.
typing ‘::grins::’ means the person typing is grinning).
Though all these forms exist online
(and often they exist in many different kinds of online interaction and show up
with high frequency), only a few have been studied, and many of them have not
even been mentioned in the literature, let alone investigated. Online forms
with influence from traditional print media could be said to be more closely
related to their print counterparts, in which case there is literature on those
cues, though there are very few studies that examine how these systems are used
online.
Bibliography
1. Danet,
B. (2001). Cyberpl@y: Communicating Online.
New York: Berg.
2. Corley,
M. and Stewart, O. W. (2008). Hesitation disfluencies in spontaneous speech:
the meaning of um. Language and Linguistics Compass, 2.