Kaymuldinova Kulash D.

Abai Kazakh National Teachers’ Training University

GEOGRAPHICAL SENSE OF THE KAZAKH TOPOGRAPHIC NAMES’S CONTEXT

The same extent of exploration on importance of the popular traditional topographic names (toponames), that were given to some observable geographic objects, is even more worth of mentioning for now, because of the fact that Kazakh scientific terminology supposed to be unified and finally formed, since the independence.

The problems of the fundamental research upon the scale of the Kazakh traditional terms semantics, and the regional factors of its growth in the context of where the terms were originated from, arises as the result of bringing them into the scientific terminology order.

As it’s been mentioned by E.Kerimbaev (1992) the ethnical culture specific characteristics were valued as reasons of unification the names given for the most observable geoobjects and therefore it is necessary to see the significance of geographical, historical and ethnical factors that have based a process of the name giving. Main subjects of Ethnic ecology focus on connections of environment and the community within its territory.

Considering the problems of ethnos in deep connection with geographical territorial aspects, there is a strong opinion, that ethnos reflects such features as natural resources variety, land exploration and way of nature use (a local territorial scale). So it’s of a local geographical scale, not of a regional one, such as climatic conditions, zonal vegetation, soils and so on. As a result of environmental adaptation, there might be pointed the specializations of regional economic and effects of tradition culture.

Some valuable orientations towards the questions of traditional specific ways of resources conservations have been reveled, while analyzing the nature recourses’ use system. Considering the way of regional specific ways of nature conservations, we would say that, Kazakh community used to form it as traditions. 

The fact of existence of the traditions expects the information be transferred in chronographic and synchronic way. All the information, that has been past to, in a chronographic way, is connected, at first, to the environment (such as findings of a nature rhythm and the climatic and weather conditions), and also the nature recourses and nature conservations whereabouts were accounted as well attentively for the same reasons – to approach the nature save exploration and conservations.

All the verbal instructions, about the said-above nature exploration stuff, were possible for nomadic society only through the use of topographic names (toponames), which were abundant with spiritual descriptions, amenity of wild nomad staying and distinctive diversity. 

The experience and geographic skills, that have been gained, after the centuries of staying within particular natural region, brought the ancient nomads to ecological adaptation, which was as a base for making out the more rational approaches towards such organized activities as land use and resource conservation.

The terms formed of the oral exchange of information were supposed to reflect spiritual and intellectual wealth of Kazakhs, thus it had to be followed with such picturesque and significant descriptions that have been remained in traditional culture till now. The most outstanding Russian geographer B.Fegorovich has given a no trivial comment about Kazakh toponames: “…Kazakh topography is rather unwritten dictionary technique than a vocabulary…”[1]. Such topographical names (terms) “dictionary” contains immeasurable information and whereabouts on natural recourse use and nature conservations, which are commented by decipherment and decoding for geographical objects, factors and events which still are being worth for observing it for economic and ecology geography.    

        As we’ve been analyzing the system of traditional land use of Kazakh population, where some is still living within regions with extremely desert natural conditions (salty desert valleys, loamy desert plains and other landscapes of these kind), we consider the Kazakh traditions of the nature use as are the most ecologically adaptive ones within the territories with sharply desert climate. Making such a conclusion to confirm a fact, we point the fact of the very lean level that characterizes the Kazakhstan’s nature recourses and at the same time the highly organized systems of land use, which is still used for nowadays in private and state agricultural cooperated organizations. The prevailing factor of successful cattle-rising is explained as a result of rational organization of all-year-round pastures in the desert plains, hereinafter called as “desert” pastures. According to some landscapes classification working standards, considered by Kazakhstan’s scientists [2], the “desert” pastures, which are common in territories under agricultural use, mentioned as “natural” pastures.

The annual turnarounds of the “natural” pastures in the desert regions of Kazakhstan has been formed according to the centuries long experience, that is based on use of diverse type pastures accepting its natural crop yield. During the use of desert pastures, Kazakh population has formed the ecologically proved system of the land use. In connection of the fact that desert plains are naturally of a low-graded yield, the only ecological way submitted for the recourse conservation was a rational “all-year-round” use. This model of conducting the most prevailing branch of specialization initiated the specific culture of traditions in pastoral cattle-rising. Some literal sources considering the historical traditions of pasture use, noted to specify the ecological impact acceptance by Kazakhs, as a very moderate influence upon the lands, no matter to the scale of the cattle rising specialization. The geographical space was perceived by Kazakhs as far as they could move across the deserts and explore it only for the reasons of making pastures on it. Thus, the Kazakh traditional terms system has been forming along in clear perception of sensations left after the nature surrounded by.  

     Concerning the priority measures of the study on the traditional geographic terms sense, Kazakh geographer E. Murzaev (1974) mentioned it as,“…terms – are the base of topography, they occur to reveal the main geographic content of the observable object”. This explains all the interest, that topographical - linguistics ever drawn towards the national geographic terms on their deeply specialized research (within territories of Kazakhstan).  The earlier unknown works, which were dated by 17 c.  – Khadyrgali Kosym-uly, 18 c. – Kazbek – biy and K. Khalid at 19 c. have been now published out [3,4].   

  Having regard to the said above on the sense of national topographic names, we would point out some Kazakh traditional terms that directly connected with traditions of the land use. The thorough investigation on such terms as “arka”, “bas”, “karkara”, “khonyr”, “korys”, “tas”, “schat” will assist us to withdraw those of the semantic aspects, which were mentioned in linguistic literatures before. The “schat” and “tas” terminology were composed of the names for the Northern Kazakhstan landscapes and carried the meaning of border marker of the nomadic host of the pastoral lands. Besides the terms, which might be directly transliterated, there are also some terms – antonyms, that probably are supposed to explain the grades of the resources wealth – “zhaksy-zhaman” (bad – and - good), “zhylhy- suyik” (warm – and - cold). Therefore, the term “Zhanam-tau” (bad hills) would not at all mean a kind of tokens of the Nomads relating with bad religious attitude towards the “dark” hills, it just has the meaning of the pastures grade which, perhaps, were too bad to call the hills as “dark” and “bad” ones.

The most worth of mentioning in traditional terms genesis analysis is the terms used for hydrographic objects (hydronames). The indicate terms list of hydrographic objects was mentioned by V.Popova, and has been supplemented with specific Kazakh terms by us [5].

 

Kazakh traditional indicate-terms for the water-recourses objects (hydronames)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Hydrographic names

Indicating terminology

transliteration

 

 

The traditional names of the lakes

Aydhin

“moon”

Astau

“ lied down the hills”, “hilly plateau”

Aschi

“too salty”

Balchash

“mud stream, smut”

Badpack

“bad mud”

Shalkhar

“spacious”

Kamis

“cane vegetation”

Kayir

“blessings”

 

 

Names of the rivers

 

Akxay

“clear cave”

Acksu

“white waters”

Backanas

“the dried river valley”

Ouzek

“primary, main”

Ouzen

- “small river”

Sai

“canyon”

Sagha

“river mouth”

Salha

“headwater tributary”

Sokhir

“blame”

 

 

Names of the springs and trunks

Aynabhulak

“clear pike”

Kaynar

“deep source”

Tamshei

“water drops”

Tuma

“under-soil hole”

Kaugha

“pail”

Shynyrau

“deep dark trunks”

 

Actually, this scheme composed of 26 terms instead of the listed ones, but there has been given those terms that clearly reflect the capability of pasturable use.

We have noticed that some of the orographical structure’s names (oronames) have undergone through changes, that occurred not only in pronunciation and spelling details but also in geographical meaning. As an example a “tau” term for the Western Kazakhstan regions would mean “mountain”, at the same time for the Eastern Kazakhstan it would be “tobei” which means “hills”. The Kazakh terms that officially are used in geography for the lowland plains or for the hills were characterized with quite differentiation in altitude sense.

Much more of interest is drowned to the Kazakh traditions of the land use for natural pastures. The result of such long-last natural resources exploration left marks upon the terms that define the soil and vegetation types. According to the search that has been gathered from the different sources, the following table represent the classified groups of traditional terms which are used to describe the natural “amenity” of the desert pastures.

Traditional terms for the pastures description

(terms are divided) by  color

by elements of geological structure

by elements of the relief

by climatic factors

by natural level of humidifying

by types of vegetation

Acktebyn

(a white campo)

Borbas (saline soil)

Ayak (the outstanding)

Djelkem (windy place)

Beedayik (grassy forages)

Atzhall (the wastes)

Allah-tamyr (shiny roots)

Khum (sands)

Bockter (bottom of the hills)

Djelkhara (dark lands)

Khak (rain pools)

Anyz (old, familiar place)

Konyr (brown)

Sortan

(salty crust)

Djaryk (crack, a hole)

Kungey (sunny side)

Kopa (cattle fields)

Bedelyk (useful grass)

Shubar (grayish)

Tackyr (empty plains)

Kabak (steep ness)

Terskey (northern side)

Tomar (dried tree)

Koco-rhai (oasis)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 Argumentative research on the originality of traditional terms supposed to provide the terminology methodic with opportunity to estimate the semantic importance of geographical genesis of its meanings. To conclude some main aspects that consider the importance of Kazakh traditional toponames for the today’s terms studying, we would formulate it as given bellow:

1.   The nomadic life has defined the ways of behavior strategy and thinking related to living in arid climatic conditions and formed up the principles and motives for geoobjects’ nomination;

2.     Traditional geographic terms as consistence of topographic names might be studied as indicators, that point out the types, character and landscapes specific features;

3.     Most information on environment and natural recourses, which is collected while Nomadic civilization has been forming, is kept in traditional Kazakh topography material.

REFERENCES

1.     Ôåäîðîâè÷ Á.À. Ëèê ïóñòûíè. - Ì., Ãîñêóëüòïðîñâåòèçäàò, 1950. - 247 ñ.

2.     Èâàíîâ À.È., Ëÿùåíêî È.È. Êîðìîâûå ðàñòåíèÿ ñåíîêîñîâ è ïàñòáèù Êàçàõñòàíà. - Àëìàòû, 1996

3.     Ìàòåðèàëû ïî êèðãèçñêîìó çåìëåïîëüçîâàíèþ, ñîáðàííûå è ðàçðàáîòàííûå ýêñïåäèöèåé ïî èññëåäîâàíèþ ñòåïíûõ îáëàñòåé. ò. ²². Àêìîëèíñêàÿ îáëàñòü. Àòáàñàðñêèé óåçä. – Âîðîíåæ, 1902. – 262 ñ.

4.     Ìàñàíîâ Í.Ý. Êî÷åâàÿ öèâèëèçàöèÿ êàçàõîâ (îñíîâû æèçíåäåÿòåëüíîñòè íîìàäíîãî îáùåñòâà). - Àëìàòû - Ì., 1995. - 320 ñ.

5.     Ïîïîâà Â.Í. Èíôîðìàöèîííàÿ ðîëü ìåñòíûõ ãåîãðàôè÷åñêèõ òåðìèíîâ â ñîñòàâå òîïîíèìîâ // Âîïðîñû ãåîãðàôèè, Ñá. 81, 1970. – Ñ. 179 – 184.