к.ф.н.,
доцент Шингарева М.Ю., магистрант Байдабекова М.
Региональный социально-инновационный университет
A
Linguistics Approach to Emotions Study
The relationship between language and emotions can be
viewed from two angles. First,
language, in a broad sense, can be viewed as being done [performed]
"emotive". Taking this angle, it is commonly assumed that people, at
least on occasions, "have" emotions, and that "being
emotional" gains its own agency, impacting in a variety of ways on the
communicative situation. This can take place
extralinguistically (e.g. by facial expressions, body postures, proximity, and
the like), in terms of suprasegmentational and prosodic features, and in terms
of linguistic (lexical and syntactic) forms.
In numerous
articles, chapters and books Wierzbicka has explicated her theoretical stance
on how to analyze emotions. Emotions to her are a
semantic domain [1, p.235], to be investigated in a semantic metalanguage, i.e.
in terms of indefinables or primitives (semantic universals) that are shared by
all human languages. These universals are of a conceptual nature and comprise
elements such as feel, want, say, think, know, good, bad, and so on. It is
Wierzbicka's declared aim "to explore human emotions (or any other
conceptual domain) from a universal, language-independent perspective" [1,
p. 236].
In her comparative study of language-dependent
conceptualizations, Wierzbicka is able to document that "every language
imposes its own classification upon human emotional experiences, and English
words such as anger or sadness are cultural artifacts of the English language,
not culture-free analytical tools" [1, p. 236].
Harré's suggestion that researchers study
"the way people use their emotion vocabulary, in commenting upon,
describing, and reprimanding people for emotional displays and feelings" [2,
p. 148], is in many ways similar to Wierzbicka's approach. In aiming to pull
out of the uses of the emotion vocabulary (of a given culture at a given time)
the underlying "theory of emotion", Harré and Gillett follow
Stearns and Stearns' theory of "emotionology". In contrast to the
universal orientation of Wierzbicka, an emotionology is a very local theory
(and taxonomy), which is said to consist of four general features. These
features need close attention if an emotion is to be identified and labeled
correctly:
(1) a felt bodily disturbance,
(2) a characteristic display,
(3) the expression of a judgment, and
(4) a particular illocutionary force.
In a number of publications spanning over at least the
last two decades, Nancy Stein and her associates have been investigating the
cognitive capacity to simulate the plans and goals relevant to the
understanding of (human) actions as part of the study of personal and social
behavior. In
this approach, knowledge of goals and plans is assumed to be the basic
prerequisite to make sense of others, and it figures in the same capacity in
explaining and reasoning about one's own actions, i.e. in the process of making
sense of one's own self. Stein's original research in children's understanding
of human intentionality in their story constructs has recently moved focus more
strongly on the appraisal processes relevant to assessing the specific goals,
values, and moral principles involved in the understanding of characters'
actions. And since knowledge about valued goals and their
outcomes is taken to be heavily influential on how characters 'feel' and how
they (con-sequentially) react, a model has emerged that is argued to capture
the "meaning of emotions", i.e. it can spell out the appraisal
processes that link the occurrence of a situation to an emotion (and potential
subsequent reactions), and delineate the nature and boundaries between emotions
[3].
Making use of a particular narrative interview
technique, labelled the "on-line interview", individuals are
continually monitored in their reporting of an emotional experience with regard
to the status of their goals and valued preferences. Since it is assumed that
goals and action plans undergo changes within actual emotional experiences,
this technique is supposed to tap these changes and thus facilitate to get
'beyond' the report of the experience . [3].
Thus, while Wierzbicka views emotions as a semantic [=
conceptual] domain which governs the patterns of discourse, and Harré
takes emotions to be part of the domain of statements (= actions and
interactions), Stein's approach to emotions - to a degree at least - seems to
combine aspects of both: Emotions are schematically organized, i.e. part of a
representational system, and these schemata are 'put to work' in responses to
emotional events in the form of being angry or doing metagu. However, they first of
all are cognitions, constituting the motivational force for individuals to
(re)act in a certain manner. It should be noted that the
"goal-action-outcome" theory claims to be able to account for
cultural (and individual) variations by decomposing the general intentional
states into distinct components which can be filled in and arranged in
culturally variable ways.
When, as in Stein's approach, emotions are approached
as a representational system of some specific goal-plan-outcome knowledge, then
the acquisition of categorial distinctions between the (basic as well as
culture-specific) emotions consists in its most basic form of knowledge of
intentional action and of goal plans. According to Stein and her associates, these two
knowledge types are acquired relatively early, at around three years of age. At this point, children can successfully differentiate the components
that lead to (English) anger, sadness, fear, and happiness and efforts have concentrated on
illustrating how children make use of this knowledge in later years in other
problem solving tasks. Using
narratives of real life (emotional) situations and subjecting them to on-line
questions for on-line reasoning, Stein and her colleagues rely on language in
its ideational, representational function, as a relatively transparent window
to what the narrator means when talking about emotions. The content of the
topic is taken as what is of basic concern, and whether the narrator wants to
be understood as blaming another person or saving face, i.e. the directive
force of language use [= the interpersonal function], is not considered of
immediate relevance. Similarly, the directive force of culture in the form of
rules and norms for conduct only becomes relevant as a 'secondary' force, i.e.
by way of individually represented cognitive systems, containing information
about individual experiences and culturally shared knowledge.
Within the framework chosen by Wierzbicka, language
should obviously play a much more important role, since her system of
universals is labelled 'semantic primitives', which, however, in their very
nature are considered conceptual [= cognitive]. Although, to the best of my knowledge,
Wierzbicka did not investigate how these semantic/cognitive universals are
acquired, there are two options: Option number one consists of a
nativist/maturational solution. Accordingly, we bring the set of culture-independent
universals to the process of cognitive development, and out of these, the child
has to narrow down the options that are chosen by the specific culture and
"encoded" by the specific language in specific linguistic (lexical)
forms. Option number two would argue the other way around: The set of
universals is 'learned' by way of abstracting them from the language specific
forms (and their local meanings) which are learnt first. According to this
version a culture-independent language could be the product of a reflective
learning process that operates on top of a first language, that is after having
developed a more detached position from one's own culture and language use. Although I would be leaning toward this version, Wierzbicka seems to
strongly favor the assumption that the universals are innate [1], particularly,
since version two would downgrade her set of universals to linguistic
constructs which are borne out of their own set of cultural practices and
linguistic ideologies. In
other words, the desire of transcending one's own culture and language
practices would have to be viewed as rooted in particular cultural practices,
and as such can never become "objective" or in its absolute sense
"culture-independent".
Harré's discursive approach to emotions takes
up on some of the more interesting aspects of Stein's and Wierzbicka's
proposals and tries to carry them one step further. In keeping with the
anthropological, cultural model approaches, Harré's emotionology adds
the directive, cultural force of emotions to the representational system, i.e.
the information about structure of experience (= shared knowledge). This opens
up space for investigations of the processes through which cultural knowledge
obtains motivational force for individuals. However, the knowledge of scripts
is not viewed to be organized in terms of taxonomic structures, as in the early
days of cognitive anthropology, and neither is culture a monolithic unit.
Cultural meanings are potentially conflicting and more loosely organized. At
the same time, Harré's leaning to view emotions (as all other
psychological processes) as products of discourse, constituted in interaction,
forces a new emphasis on the study of emotions which is more thoroughly
discourse oriented. With regard to the question of how emotions are acquired,
we are pushed to look for a form of cultural learning that can incorporate
aspects of Stein's and Wierzbicka's cognitive approaches under the auspices of
a discursive orientation.
Bibliography:
1. Wierzbicka, A.
(1995a). Emotion and facial expression: A semantic perspective. Culture and Psychology, 1:227-258.
2. Harré,
R., & Gillett, G. (1994). The
Discursive Mind. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
3. Stein, N.L.,
Trabasso, T. & Liwag, M. (1994). The Rashomon phenomenon: The role of
framing and future- orientation in memories for emotional events. In M.M.
Haith, J.B. Benson, R.J. Roberts, Jr., & B.F. Pennington (Eds.), The Development of future oriented processes.
Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.