ê.ô.í. Øèíãàðåâà Ì.Þ., ìàãèñòðàíò Ðûñêåëäèåâà À.À.
Ðåãèîíàëüíûé ñîöèàëüíî-èííîâàöèîííûé óíèâåðñèòåò
Christmas
messages as a form of political discourse
On the occasion of Christmas Day, New Year’s Eve or New Year’s Day,
nations are used to seeing their highest representatives delivering special
messages. Not included are
speeches on the same occasions by heads of government, since they normally are
more (party) political and programmatic in nature. Ritual communication is rampant at such moments. While their
duties are fully absorbed by their main task of being present ceremonially and
making the nation audible and visible, on Christmas or New Year’s Day their
Messages normally bear a semi-official character. Personal and individual considerations may
amplify topical variation (Sauer 2002). Because Messages cannot only consist of
Christmas and New Year’s wishes, although they are a constitutive part, the
question arises what is
said, and which topics, also visual ones, evoke other types of discourse. For
TV viewers also react to the delivery as such and pay attention to how heads of state are shown and how convincingly they perform.
We therefore regard Christmas Messages, seen as a generic term referring
to the corpus, as communicative
events rather than as pure texts. This implies that communicative
practices (of the delivery of public speeches) have to mingle with media
practices (of their TV formats). The media practices of our corpus range from
the footage of a person sitting at a desk and reading aloud from a manuscript
to a person who is shown acting and chatting with other people, moving around
while addressing and looking directly into the camera, using teleprompter technology.
Besides, as is characteristic of TV settings, Messages are always framed. Their most general frame is the
announcement by TV announcers, but music, national symbols, Christmas
decoration and festivity signs add frames too. How these
frames trigger special meanings and what their impact is in terms of the
materialities the Messages draw upon is part of this investigation.
A Christmas Message as a communicative event employs two domains: with
regard to its content, it embeds other discourses including the
personal voice or tenor and, with regard to media potentials, it relies on other practices. A minimal requirement, as we may
assume from earlier investigations (Sauer 2002; Tiemens 2005), would be an
appropriate environment for its content that reflects the ‘state of the art’
concerning its media adequacy. It is these materialities that constitute the Message’s
impact. TV viewers are expected to fall back on them when processing and
constructing their own meanings. Of course, this is not a radically new
perspective. In political discourse analysis, however, the recipient-designed materialities
are often neglected and sometimes not even mentioned.
The
presidential Messages that we have studied in general hold a mirror to society.
They either appeal to political activities in the immediate future, such as
elections for the European Parliament or national elections, or they consider
the state of the nation’s mind, as was manifest in references to the country’s
need of moral support, in encouraging the people to behave decently and not nervously,
or in encapsulating an atmosphere of hope and comfort. Some Messages have a
presidential voice in common in which the sermon functions in a paternalistic
culture (even if a woman fulfils the role of president). This entails that the
nation from time to time needs a representative voice to be able to cope with
identification problems and with confidence problems. However, without a
closer investigation of the verbal content and the topics of the speeches, we
cannot detect further cues. At least, the media features employed do not
provide many other cultural cues. The sermon-like performances of the elected
presidents rely heavily on the textual culture of rhetorical communication. It
is this cultural pattern of Western civilisation and rhetoric that is
predominant, although we may distinguish between a Southern European (Catholic)
style and a Northern European (Protestant) style. But there are also countries
which have both.
Clyne
(1994: 3) opts for a pragmatic notion of culture and considers it “an ensemble of social experiences, thought structures, expectations and action practices,
which has the quality of a mental
apparatus” Clyne’s publication
centres upon intercultural communication in spoken and written discourses as
well as workplace encounters of members of different language backgrounds using
English. Naturally, this focus is not applicable to our corpus, at least not
in a direct way. However, it is likely that the concept of the mental apparatus
that underlies the analysis of linguistic forms might also be useful in order
to investigate multimodal communication phenomena, such as the televisuality
of speeches. Even if these speeches do not include intercultural encounters
between members of different cultures, in which cases one would exploit
Clyne’s approach directly, they make use of (socio)cultural practices. I
therefore intend to adopt the concept of mental apparatus also to the study of
other semiotic resources than language and other practices than the ones of
verbal actions. Here TV features play specific roles. They belong to the media
practices considered. But at the same time they bear an international quality since the development of TV programmes is influenced by
globalised formats and world-wide spread technologies. Television practices
therefore have an inherent “intercultural” disposition (Fiske 1987) that may
cause the impression that national forms seem to draw upon international
formats. As far as Christmas Messages are concerned, their internationality is
obviously restricted, although they may be induced by what other heads of
state in Europe do, or what is seen as successful political communication in
Europe.
The
mental apparatus is manifest in references to thought structures which are
applied in the verbal content of Christmas Messages. Social experiences are related
to both verbalisations and visualisations, while expectations and practices are
examined separately. This is due to the fact that they concern not only the
media features and the degree of multimodality in TV Messages, but also the
ways heads of state act when being exposed to a mass public. They adjust the
ways audiences respond to recipient-designed communicative practices
transmitted on television. As regards the mental apparatus linked with
Christmas Messages, two perspectives appear. On the one hand, the transmissions
reflect a particular state of the mental apparatus in that they show how the
public is assumed to be approached and entertained. Then the speakers’ guarded
conduct signals a cultivated air of representativeness in the European culture.
The heads of state behave in a disciplined and discreet manner and carefully
avoid eccentricity. Slight increases in the variations of realisations,
according to the network of semiotic resource depend on individual solutions.
The individuality of the representative bard as displayed in his or her Message
style endorses the existing (present) political culture.
On
the other hand, the mental apparatus of the members of a culture itself might
be changing. Currently we experience an overwhelming production of visuals as
contrasted with verbal products. The tension between the visual and the verbal
culture and their respective domains has become a predominant pattern in the
Western culture. Heads of state and other politicians cannot neglect this
tension and have to respond to the tendency of visualised and visualisable
representation. This is substantiated by the fact that a head of state appears
on the television screen. In such a way, the growing need of visual
representations seems to determine the way political reality is depicted. The
visual constituents of representation become more relevant and may outstrip the
verbal constituents. Also the anchoring (the “discourse shadow”) may shift and
may be realised increasingly by visual features. The variations which
characterise our corpus show that the transmissions of Christmas Messages tend
to accentuate their visual or, more general, multimodal quality. It may be
expected that the culture of political representation in the future will rely
more and more on prolific forms of visual appearances. Consequently, we assume
that the meaning of a Christmas Message depends rather on what viewers see than
what they hear. They may hear only what their eyes can assess.
Literature
1. Sauer, C. 2002. “Ceremonial text and talk.
A functional-pragmatic approach”. In Politics as Talk and Text. Analytic Approaches to Political Discourse, P. Chilton and C. Schaffner (eds.),
111-142. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
2. Tiemens, R. 2005. “A Content Analysis
of Political Speeches on Television”. In Handbook of Visual Communication, Theory, Methods, and Media, K. Smith, S. Moriarty, G. Barbatsis,
K. Kenney (eds.), 385-404. Mahwah, New Jersey, London: Lawrence Erlbaum.
3. Clyne, M. 1994. Inter-Cultural
Communication at Work. Cultural Values in Discourse. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
4. Fiske, J. 1987. Television Culture. London: Routledge.